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What might have damaged the DUP in the past, won't now. The DUP is in a position of strength after the recent council elections, and it's only real critic could have been the UUP - who are severely weakened in City Hall.

Mayoral elections are significantly dictated by wider events. It's a fact of political life here. So I doubt if this small-but-positive DUP gesture was made for completely altruistic reasons. Nevertheless, it's a little bit of visible political progress.

As far as contenders for the Belfast mayoralty were are concerned, Sinn Fein are still in every other party's doghouse and were never really in line for the top two posts, post-Northern and McCartney. And Joe O'Donnell has just stepped down as Deputy Lord Mayor. There was no deal to exclude them. In fact, I am not aware of any deals having been made. There was no need.

As the largest party, the DUP obviously felt entitled to the top post. The party's last Lord Mayor was Sammy Wilson between 2000 and 2001.

After their electoral humiliation - losing four seats in the Dome of Delight alone - the UUP were in no position to demand (or give) anything to anyone.

How on earth could any party possibly do a deal with a party that even split down the middle on the big night, with four UUP councillors not voting for the SDLP Deputy Mayor, Pat Convery, and four voting for him? I understand that Fred Cobain was the first UUP councillor to record a positive vote for Convery, perhaps shaming the others who voted after him to take his lead.

We can probably expect more split UUP votes in the future, if Fred's conscience continues to niggle. I can't see how UPRG member Frank McCoubrey - who takes the UUP whip (and isn't Fred the group whip?) - can possibly agree with everything the UUP might do in future. No-one seems to have noticed that the UUP group in Belfast City Council is in exactly the same position as Sinn Fein on the other side of the chamber.

Dealing with a group in disarray might present other parties with a problem - since half the UUP group appears not to be taking the whip on crucial votes - but so might dealing with an official body that includes someone who provides political advice to the UDA. Even the DUP aren't on the cringeworthy Loyalist Commission*. But gone are those halcyon days of post-Agreement UUP bonhomie with others of a similar disposition. Even if the UUP say it's going to do something these days or vote a certain way, you always wonder if it can actually deliver.

Anyway, the Belfast mayoral field was narrow, and in terms of mandate and just getting a fair turn, the DUP clearly had the biggest claim.

Alliance, who hold the balance of power, announced it's kingmaking decision in advance, after holding meetings with the other parties. Coincidentally, the only other Lord Mayor elected with cross-community support previously was David Alderdice, no longer of Belfast. David was also leader of the group when Alliance voted Sinn Fein's Alex Maskey into the Lord Mayor's chair in 2002. Such rare cross-community votes always seem to revolve around Alliance.

Could it be though that the DUP has used the opportunity to its advantage?

Nationalist criticism of the DUP has centred on its inability to share power in the Assembly (and elsewhere), and there have been many calls from nationalist quarters for the DUP to demonstrate its 'powersharing credentials' in the councils across Northern Ireland.

So the DUP did. Sort of.

I mean in its own terms, of course. So Sinn Fein is still obviously out. But by voting for an SDLP Deputy Lord Mayor, they passed Durkan's democratic 'acid test' in Belfast, though possibly not in Castlereagh.

But since Alliance had the greatest claim to something (anything, quite frankly) in Castlereagh, having been the greater victim of past DUP exclusion in terms of posts, this was perhaps a sensible move by the DUP. Certainly Geraldine Rice deserved the Deputy Mayoralty in Castlereagh; Alliance has received only one other deputy mayorship in 25 years, and Sinn Fein used to quote the party's unjustifiable exclusion in Castlereagh in previous years as an example of DUP inability to share power.

So the DUP can afford to be seen to be generous - but not too generous. It puts forward a moderate (relatively speaking) candidate in Belfast. It gets a chance to show that it will share power with - and even (gasp) VOTE for - Catholics and nationalists not, in its eyes, in parties linked to armed groups. In short, it will be entering the inevitable next round of talks with a wee carrot to show Tony. Yet this is still power sharing on DUP terms - ie, to Sinn Fein's exclusion. The DUP is saying that it will share power with constitutional Irish nationalism, but not - until the IRA has shown the DUP its bona fides - with Sinn Fein. That's pretty much everyone else's position too.

One of Blair's two conditions for getting devolution back on track is that unionism must be prepared to share power. Even if the IRA doesn't jump far enough for it, the DUP will hold up these councils as examples of good faith. Maybe they'll even get a couple of sweeteners along the way; more seats on the Policing Board possibly or perhaps Andrew Hunter will get a seat in the Lords. The DUP wants more accountable direct rule, but I can't imagine much being given by Hain there, who sees it as a non-starter. Relations got off to a frosty start, as usual. Can't see Paisley having been impressed by Hain's political pedigree either.

If the DUP is to ever learn that it should stay inside the process, some reciprocation from the Government may well help bind it further into the whole shebang. As Sinn Fein have found out, it becomes harder to walk away from the table if you can visibly demonstrate symbolic or real gains. If politics is about give and take, the DUP will seek its own 'concessions', as no doubt every party does when it deals with the Government.

The DUP is 'doing' real politics these days. It's not standing outside like it used to. But how far is it prepared to compromise if the IRA's expected statement or action after its 'internal consultation' doesn't go far enough, as expected? Exactly how high is the bar - and will the two governments continue to hold it as far up as the DUP? As we revealed first on Slugger, even the US is taking a harder line on republicans right now. But how long do we have to wait for the DUP to be convinced that the IRA is inactive? Waiting games in Northern Ireland rarely continue long without the intervention of damaging events.

In the past, political vacuums have eventually given way to violence. The summer omens haven't been particularly great this year. This current hiatus has been on the cards since Christmas, but if talks are to start in the autumn, groundwork needs to be done now.

* Can we use the other thread to debate Ulster Resistance etc? Cheers.

Local Government
District
Percentage of population living in most deprived areas in Northern Ireland by parliamentary constituency:
1 Belfast West 79%
2 Belfast North 60%
3 Foyle 46%
4 West Tyrone 31%
5 Belfast East 23%
6 Newry and Armagh 23%
7 Belfast South 19%
8 Upper Bann 18%
9 East Londonderry 13%
10 East Antrim 8%
11 Fermanagh & South Tyrone 8%
12 North Antrim 8%
13 Mid Ulster 7%
14 South Down 6%
15 South Antrim 4%
16 Lagan Valley 4%
17 Strangford 4%
18 North Down 2%

By District Council:
1 Strabane 54%
2 Belfast 48%
3 Derry 46%
4 Newry and Mourne 25%
5 Craigavon 23%
6 Limavady 17%
7 Lisburn 16%
8 Newtownabbey 13%
9 Omagh 13%
10 Moyle 13%
11 Cookstown 11%
12 Coleraine 10%
13 Ballymena 10%
14 Dungannon 9%
15 Fermanagh 9%
16 Larne 8%
17 Carrickfergus 8%
18 Armagh 7%
19 Antrim 6%
20 Down 6%
21 Castlereagh 5%
22 Ards 3%
23 North Down 3%
24 Magherafelt 1%
25 Ballymoney 1%
26 Banbridge 0%

Most deprived small areas are:
Belfast Whiterock
Belfast Shankill
Belfast Falls
Belfast Crumlin
Belfast New Lodge
Belfast Ballymacarrett
Derry Creggan Central
Belfast Upper Springfield
Belfast Ardoyne
Belfast New Lodge
Derry Brandywell
Belfast Duncairn
Belfast Woodvale
Belfast The Mount
Belfast Water Works
Derry Shantallow West
Derry Crevagh
Strabane East
Derry Strand
Belfast Glencairn

Subsequently it became clear that while negotiations were onging between Republicans and the two governments the Northern Bank robbery was being planned. Consequently there is no faith that Sinn Fein/IRA are serious about ending terrorist and criminal activity. There is no evidence that Sinn Fein is moving anytime soo to disband the IRA and enter the political arena on the same basis as democratic parties.

Devolution is the only real integration now
by Tom Griffin, 27 May 2005 edition
 
Do unionists want Northern Ireland to be run from Westminster or from Stormont? The choice between devolution or integration is an old dilemma.
In the early 1970s the fall of Stormont and its replacement by direct rule was seen as a victory by many nationalists. In the 1980s, many unionists felt that strengthening the link with Britain meant being playing a fuller part at Westminster.
In the 1990s, the pendulum swung again and the return of Stormont became the prize for unionism in the Good Friday Agreement.
Now, there are signs that unionists are looking to integration once more. The DUP is calling for a more accountable direct rule, and the defeated Ulster Unionists are considering a closer relationship with the Conservative Party.
These developments, are however, in many ways at odds with what is happening in Britain itself, where devolution is if anything deepening.
The extent to which Northern Ireland is out of step is demonstrated by the fact that Secretary of State Peter Hain will supervise the extension of new powers to the Welsh Assembly, at the same time as he presides over direct rule in Belfast.
However, the most interesting straw in the wind is what is happening in that quintessential British institution, the Conservative Party.
Just as that moment the UUP is considering moving closer to the Conservatives, Tories in England and Scotland are beginning to move further apart.
Michael Howard was forced to sack his new shadow Scottish Secretary James Grey last week. Scottish Tories demanded his head after he called for the abolition of the Scottish Parliament.
His call reflected the fact that the current devolution settlement is biased against the Tories. They won the popular vote in England, but Labour’s majority over them is inflated by Scottish MPs who can vote on English issues that do not affect their constituents.   
What the James Grey affair underlines, is that the Conservatives cannot overcome this disadvantage by seeking the end of the Scottish Parliament. Their only realistic option is to seek similar treatment for England.
The Tories are already committed to a form of English devolution, through a somewhat incoherent proposal that only English MPs should vote on English matters at Westminster.
The favourite to succeed Michael Howard, shadow Home Secretary David Davis, has talked in the past of going for a fully fledged English Parliament.
This has obvious advantages for English Tories, who would have a good chance of power in such an institution.
However, it also enjoys support from a faction among Scottish Tories who believe that they suffer electorally from being seen as not Scottish enough. They want to break away from the English Party altogether, in order to forge a separate identity.
There has even been a report in the Scotsman that senior Scottish Tories want to drop the word ‘unionist’ from the title ‘Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party’, in order to appeal to nationalist-minded Scottish voters.
Indeed, in Scotland as in England, the Tories are beginning to realise that it is in their interest to be more radically devolutionist than Labour.
The logic is compelling. The current Scottish Parliament controls public spending on areas like health and education. However, tax-raising powers remain with Westminster. There is a clear incentive for Scottish voters to back Labour at Holyrood and guarantee higher spending without the risk of higher taxes.
This will only change if Scotland gains fiscal independence, and has to fund its own spending out of its own revenues, which is exactly what some Tory members of the Scottish Parliament are now advocating.
Of course, part of the reason these issues have come into focus is because the Tories are still so far from regaining power at Westminster. However, the election has also weakened Labour’s ability to sustain a settlement which is so obviously biased in its favour.
Change can only really move in one direction, towards deeper and more consistent devolution. This is bound to have implications for Northern Ireland.
The arrival of ‘home rule all round’ in 1997 contributed to the political imperative that led to the Good Friday Agreement. If England and Scotland gain more autonomy, the pressure on Northern Ireland to move out of its current state of political dependency will grow accordingly.
Today, devolution is the only real integration, because ironically, Britain itself is becoming more nationalist and less unionist.

One suggestion is to emphasise the Titantic's Belfast origin:

2012 offers a convenient target to aim for. That marks the centenary of the Titanic being launched from Belfast for its brief career as the world's most famous ocean liner before being sunk on its maiden voyage by an iceberg. Eager to cash in on the box office success of the Titanic film, plans are now afoot to develop a visitor centre in the docks where the doomed liner was built.

In a surreal celebration of Belfast's industrial heritage, artist Rita Duffy is planning in 2008 to tow an iceberg from north of Norway into Belfast. She believes the iceberg would represent a dramatic piece of "performance art" as it slowly melted in Belfast Lough.

16 Speakers from across the EU examine content and implications of EU Constitution

Sinn Féin and our partners in the European Parliament, European United Left/Nordic Green Left, are holding a 2 day conference this weekend on the EU Constitution. The event brings together 16 speakers from across the EU including MEPs, NGOs, trade unionists and academics.

The event is free and open to the public.
Ireland & the EU Constitution
Irish Film Centre, Eustace St, Dublin
Date: 28th & 29th May

Saturday 28th

Registration: 9am

Session 1: 9.30: Whats new in the EU Constitution?
A table of academics look at the new elements of the Constitution
Steve McGiffen
Gerard McCann
Ailbhe Smyth

Session 2: 10.45: MEPs platform
Three MEPs make the case against the Constitution
Bairbre de Brun – Sinn Fein (GUE/NGL)
Esko Sepannen – Left Alliance Finland (GUE/NGL)
Bernat Joan – Left Republicans Catalonia (Greens/EFA)

Session 3: 12.30: For & Against the Constitution
A key note debate between two prominent MEPs each arguing opposing sides of the Constitution debate.
Speakers to be confirmed

Sunday 29th

Session 1: 10.45: Civil Society Against the Constitution
A platform of NGOs outline the case against the Constitution
Trade Unionists Against the Constitution (England)
Matthew McGregor: Centre for a Social Europe (England)
Roger Cole: Peace & Neutrality Alliance (Ireland)
Lilian Halls-French - European Feminist Initiative Against the Constitution
Claudio Meloni: Attac (Italy)

Sesion 2: 12.30: Another Europe is Possible
A panel of MEPs and commentators looking beyond the EU Constitution
Aengus O’Sondaigh TD Sinn Féin
Jonas Sjostedt MEP – Swedish Left Party (GUE/NGL)
Deirdre de Burca – Green Party (Ireland)

Although the furthest thing from a Liverpool fan, Rafael Benitez is a top man in my view, especially for humbling Chelsea boss Jose Mourinho with his tactical nous in the semi-finals, so I'll not be too upset if the Reds claim a fifth European Champions trophy. So far, everyone is well behaved in Istanbul and there's a party atmosphere.

The move follows the horrific crash in Meath, which left five schoolgirls dead and scores injured.

The estimated cost of the move is put at 100 million euros while in Northern Ireland, where children also travel on buses without seatbelts, the cost was put at 50 million sterling by a Environment Committee report in 2002.

Meanwhile, UK Transport Minister Stephen Ladyman said the British Government would learn the lessons from the worst school vehicle crash in Irish history.

DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson has already called for seatbelts to be fitted to all school buses in the UK.

Will the prohibitive cost of the move lead to its delayed implemenation in both jurisdictions and where will Northern Ireland source the money to upgrade its fleet when deep cuts are already being imposed on the education boards?

From the Green Party:

An Open Letter to P. O'Neill

The world waits with bated breath for the IRA Statement, the response to Gerry Adams' Question. We are told that a thoroughgoing, historic debate is going on in the Provisional movement, and an Answer to Mr. Adam's Question is being formulated. Having requested such a debate in advance of Mr Adams’ proposal, the Green Party welcomes these recent developments.

The Green Party, a political party founded on the principles of nonviolence, democracy and social justice, with elected representatives, North and South in Ireland, sees itself as being uniquely qualified and positioned to intervene in the process of reconciliation in this island. We are the only party that enjoys the support of people from all traditions.

Rather than await the outcome of republican deliberations, we have decided to pre-empt the process and offer a possible draft for your consideration

The consequences of the campaign of violence have left deep hurts in the people of Ireland which will take decades to heal. A generation of young people has grown up with scant respect for laws of God or man. We believe that the British/Irish context in which the trauma of Ulster has unfolded must be laid fairly and squarely at the door of the British political establishment and its relationship with the people of this island, a relationship which is fundamental to the ‘Agreement’. That is where historical responsibility ultimately lies, but the fate and well being of over a million Protestant Unionist people must be protected and safeguarded, whatever the historical realities dictate.

We in the Green Party are of the view that the campaign of violence, notwithstanding the ominous nature of predatory loyalism was profoundly mistaken and contrary to the principles of true republicanism. There may be arguments to justify the actions of the United Irishmen in the late 18th century, but those arguments don't hold in the late 20th century

So Mr. O'Neill, as you prepare to make your exit permanently from the political stage of these islands, we invite you to study our statement. Feel free to adopt it verbatim, but above all, end the uncertainty of the peoples of Ireland, vacate the stage, leave Ireland to heal itself and go heal thyself of your arrogance in the process.

I.R.A. Statement

The IRA has been engaged in a War of Liberation for thirty-five years. The purpose of the war has been to expel Britain from the occupied Six Counties of Ireland, a legacy of the wholly unjust settlement imposed on the people of Ireland in 1920. The gerrymandered nature of that imposed settlement resulted in the six most Protestant/Unionist counties forming Northern Ireland, with a permanently inbuilt Unionist majority. Thus was imposed on nationalist people an undemocratic arrangement destined never to yield a nationalist majority for perhaps hundreds of years.

The nationalist people lived in the shadow of the Unionist monolith for fifty years until the events of the 1960's occurred. It was obvious to many republicans that justice for them was not on offer when the State mask slipped and the Civil Rights movement was ruthlessly suppressed, culminating in Bloody Sunday.

The campaign of violence of the last thirty-five years has regretfully led to thousands of deaths and many individual atrocities shameful to those who participated in them. The IRA came reluctantly to the view that its aims could not be realised by violence and opted for a ceasefIre in 1994, by which time the political wing of republicanism had gained the trust and backing of a large part of the nationalist population of Ireland. In the intervening years certain elements of militant republicanism have opted for engagement in criminal behaviour, much of it against the rulings of the IRA Army Council.

We believe the time has now come for the Provisional IRA to disband forthwith. The ideal of a united Ireland still remains the goal of the republican (in its widest definition) people of Ireland. However, we acknowledge that the Principle of Consent is central to the Good Friday Agreement and that, notwithstanding the intrinsically undemocratic nature of the state of Northern Ireland, we henceforth commit ourselves to the peaceful pursuit of our political aspiration - the Unification of Ireland.

We therefore commit ourselves to a complete and total decommissioning of all our arsenals. These events will be witnessed by agreed representatives of the major churches, and General De Chastelain's staff, and photographic records will be taken as proof that decommissioning has taken place.

Our opponents, North and South, will ask how they can be sure that all arms dumps have been included in the decommissioning exercise. If at any time in the future, we are found to have reneged on our word oo total decommissioning, we appreciate that this will be a matter for historians and will redoubt to our dishonour.

We have been accused of drafting a document which will satisfy London and Dublin, but not the D.U.P. A fair reading of this statement will satisfy all people of goodwill that the IRA has chosen to vacate the stage, to let the destiny of Ireland be decided freely by the peoples of Ireland. When we speak of the peoples of Ireland, we mean all the people of Ireland. When Mr. Paisley speaks of the people of Ulster he does not mean, or speak for all the people of Ulster: thus is exposed the intellectually incoherent position of the Unionist leadership. The European wars of religion will be finally over with the peaceful unification of Ireland. The four hundred year old conflict of Ulster will be ended with the Protestant people of Ulster playing their part in the governance of Ireland. This may be some time away in the future, but it is the IRA's view that it can only happen without the threat of coercion hanging over the Unionist people.

The IRA recommends that Sinn Fein takes its place on the Police Board forthwith. The way to restore good authority in this part of Ireland is to support a police service and end all forms of punishment beatings, vigilantism and community militias (nationalist and loyalist).

To summarize, lest there be any misunderstanding about our motives or objectives and to ensure the swift reestablishment of Assembly and other institutions established under the ‘Agreement’, we undertake to expedite the following measures:

1. A total and complete disarmament of all weapons, verified by agreed representatives.

2. A winding up of the IRA as a paramilitary organisation.

3. We reserve the right to honourably exist as an Old Comrades' network.

4. All call on all those who would use the republican ‘flag of convenience’ to engage in criminal activity, such as money laundering, bank robbing, drug trafficking, fuel smuggling, cigarette smuggling, to desist forthwith.

5. The Army Council of Oglaigh na hEireann will no longer exist.

6. All recruitment and training of volunteers will be discontinued.

7. All the above will come into effect as of the end of this month.

God Save Ireland

School 'failing youth of Northern Ireland'

Agencies
Tuesday May 24, 2005

Too many young people in Northern Ireland are leaving school without qualifications, according to a report published today.

In her second report on education in Northern Ireland, Marion Matchett, the chief inspector of the Education and Training Inspectorate, said: "The gap between those achieving the highest and lowest levels of attainment is unacceptably wide, even while taking into account the circumstances occasioned by adverse social and other environmental factors."

She said disadvantage had to be tackled through more effective management and better targeted teaching.

Many young people in Northern Ireland entered further education and vocational training with significant literacy and numeracy problems, Ms Matchett said. As a consequence, they often failed to finish courses and their employment prospects were much reduced.

Ms Matchett said a multi-agency approach was needed to help schools to support, motivate and retain disaffected young people.

"Schools cannot do everything on their own; they need the support of many agencies. Experience from inspection shows that uncoordinated and poorly managed support can be more disruptive than helpful," she said.

Nonetheless, she said, there had been evidence from the past two years to show that some schools had benefited considerably from a multi-agency approach to disadvantage.

There were parts of Northern Ireland characterised by extreme social disadvantage and related low levels of attainment, where there was a lack of conviction that education and training, on their own, could help young people to progress, she said.

"Low- and under-achievement, particularly among young males, and the need to ensure that all school leavers and young people are numerate and literate, are major challenges for those involved in education and training, particularly - but not only - in these areas," she said.

Launching her report before an audience of representatives from the education, training and youth sectors, Ms Matchett said: "We need to move beyond thinking of education as successful insofar as it helps young people do well in exams, and we need to explore further how education can help motivate young people to contribute positively to their communities."

There was also a need to develop a greater trust in education and training as ways of helping young people to overcome disadvantage.

"Having trust on all sides means that we are working together for the best outcomes for the young person," she said.

Considering the IRA is still denying the robbery (despite a popular belief both inside and outside Republican areas that it did carry it out), it's hard to know what to make of it. Other than to say these guys are being very careful not to run ahead of themselves.

It goes on to address Gerry Adams almost directly:

"How does Sinn Fein now view the claim made by PIRA (the Provisional IRA) to be the lawful government and representative of the people of Ireland, north and south?

"Does the party seek power in Ireland, north and south, using paramilitary muscle to back its participation in the political process?

"Does it ultimately intend to participate fully in democratic politics, and to observe all the standards that requires, but to reach that position maintaining for the time being some form of slimmed-down military capability?

"Or is it now ready to ensure that PIRA ends all forms of illegal activity and to engage wholeheartedly in democratic politics and in policing?

"In his statement of April 6, as president of Sinn Fein, Gerry Adams indicated views related to some of the considerations we have raised earlier in this section and if he is able to develop this and to deliver as he seems to have suggested, he will have demonstrated leadership of a high order."

"After the event there was prompt PIRA intervention to protect its members and to obstruct the investigation, including by cleaning up the scene and by the intimidation of witnesses. By their immediate and subsequent interventions, PIRA put the organisation and its members ahead of justice."

In a detailed and wide-ranging report on all the paramilitary groups and their activities the IMC, as had been indicated, state that -

PIRA continues to seek to maintain its medium term effectiveness. It recruits and trains new members, including in the use of firearms and explosives. It continues to gather intelligence.

And in it's conclusions the report notes -

– In view of the judicial review proceedings in the Northern Ireland courts, and bearing in mind the judgment, it is timely to restate that the role of the IMC stems from the International Agreement and its embodiment in the law of the UK and of Ireland, and that the enactment of these laws by the respective Parliaments gives full democratic legitimacy to that role.

– Paramilitary groups continue to be active in violent and other crime and none have materially wound down their capability to commit violent or other crime. It continues to be the case that dissident republican groups are the most committed to continuing terrorism.

– We dislike the use of the word “punishment” in connection with the vicious assaults and shootings which paramilitary groups inflict on their victims, and believe that the time has come to stop giving it currency, though we recognise the obligation of the media to report accurately those public figures who themselves use the term.

– For the most part the downward trend in paramilitary violence has continued though the number of paramilitary murders was comparable to that in the previous two six month periods. Loyalist groups remain responsible for more violence than republican ones.

– There is no sign that paramilitary groups have reduced their use of exiling, and none we have found that they are agreeing to the general return of those they have exiled or that they are considering doing so.

– While we know that ex-prisoners have been amongst those who work to promote peace and to develop communities, there are indications that a considerable proportion of the prisoners released under the terms of the Belfast Agreement have re-engaged in paramilitary activities or have become involved in organised crime, or both.

– We remain concerned by the extent and nature of the involvement of paramilitary groups in organised crime and are struck by the range of criminal activities of some groups.

– We do not believe that the control and licensing regimes which apply to licensed premises, security firms or taxis sufficiently reflect multi-agency thinking or face the challenge of paramilitary involvement in business of this kind. We think they should do so, as one means of bearing down on paramilitary groups in all possible ways.

– We note the establishment in due course of the Serious and Organised Crime Agency in the UK and will follow its contribution.

– We welcome the amendments made to the law and guidelines on the Assets Recovery Agency in Northern Ireland and the law relating to the Criminal Assets Bureau in the South and continue to emphasise the importance of assets recovery in both jurisdictions in combating paramilitary organised crime.