They can be fun and entertaining. Occasionally they can be vicious, often being used as an attack vehicle: ie, not merely for anonymity. In the context of Slugger, sockpuppets are not against the rules. However should a sockpuppet character be seen to serially play the man not the ball, you may find that your alter ego is suddenly (and without warning) curtailed from play.

Getting off a flight at Aldergrove yesterday, there were a few NI supporters just arrived back from Manchester and in fine voice. However, they stuck to the traditional songs from the glory days of NI's infamous world record losing streak - 'It's just like watching Brazil' and that other classic, 'We're going to win 5-4'.

It's a shame this good-natured and often self-deprecating humour isn't setting the standard everywhere, though the sectarianism seems (from what I can tell) to be largely gone from the ground during matches. Has the IFA taken it's campaign to tackle bigotry as far as it possibly can? It looks like the responsibility rests pretty much entirely with the fans from here on. But what can genuine supporters do? Would telling the Bot what you thought of the singing make any difference?

On a lighter note, not everyone was singing - anyone care to name and shame the 'talented' lady who has become known as 'The Baps in the Bot' on the BBC?!

"Slugger O'Toole has far and away the most wide-ranging coverage of Northern Ireland, and has tracked the follow-up from last week, including the backlash from the McCartney family, with a decent respect for both sides. For sheer entertainment value, however, just pick one of the postings with the maximum number of comments.

But the most passionate debate of the week on that site (and the Irish blogosphere) came on Wednesday, on the proposal by George Best for an all-Ireland soccer squad. One reader kicked off a storm by posting his reaction: 'oh dear. Look like it'll be the Derek Dougan treatment for George from now on. He should realise this is Ireland and you aren't supposed to make such logical points as that!'"

That'll be PS enjoying the press treatment..

The story is simple: the unimaginably brutal murder of their brother in a Belfast bar; the subsequent cover-up by IRA members and wall of silence erected by Sinn Fein; the attempt by the sisters to elicit national and international support for their fight for justice, culminating in the St Patrick's Day visit to the White House.

The arc of the story is clean and straightforward, and yet as time passes it has become muddied with a multitude of extraneous interpretations and arguments about its ultimate meaning; an obfuscation which has been actively encouraged by republicans in an effort to detract attention from the simple fact that they have failed to match up to their alleged support for the McCartney women's quest to see the men who killed their brother brought to court.

Before we get any complaints - I haven't ordered one myself, so can't vouch for the seller's authenticity. Your mileage may vary.

A couple of brief excerpts from the Guide feature, firstly on The Doctor himself -

In chronological order, then, we've had: William Hartnell (who played the Doctor as a harried academic), Patrick Troughton (a pratfall-prone tramp), Jon Pertwee (a flouncing dandy in frock-coat and frills), Tom Baker[no relation, unfortunately] (the nation's official favourite; a brilliantly booming wag whose huge scarf and roaring eccentricity helped ratings top 16million), Peter Davison (a panting schoolboy), Colin Baker[no relation, fortunately] (a massive sod) and, finally, Sylvester McCoy (a lisping ninny whose profoundly irritating habit of suddenly BELLOWING for absolutely no REASON WHATSOEVER was at least partly responsible for the BBC tugging the chain after 26 years of dogged but ultimately quite silly service). Oh, and Paul McGann, whose sole outing makes him the George Lazenby of the Who franchise and therefore of no use to anyone at all.

And on the Tardis -

Now: Out go the wobbly fittings and plastic console: in come thrusting hydraulics, metal platforms, vein-like protrusions on the walls and what look like strange glowing bits of coral and bendy tubes that dangle from the ceiling like massive dreadlocks. The look? HR Giger meets Bob Marley. In a brain. In, like, another dimension. Maaaan.

heh heh heh... 7pm BBC1.

First, the decision itself -

At a special meeting of the board on Thursday night a "substantial majority" of members accepted the PSNI chief constable Hugh Orde's advice to endorse use of the "attenuating energy projectile".

This is subject to Mr Orde consulting with all relevant bodies, including the North's children's commissioner. The SDLP opposed the proposal.

Sir Desmond Rea, chairman of the board, said use of the new plastic bullets would be restricted. "Each firing of a baton round must be proved to be both measured and proportionate and every single firing is individually investigated and reported on by the Police ombudsman," he said.

Plastic and rubber bullets have proved controversial throughout the Troubles and since the ceasefires. Sixteen people died after being struck by such bullets although the PSNI has not fired one since September 2002.

And then the row -

The board decision triggered a row involving the DUP, the SDLP and Sinn Féin. DUP board member Ian Paisley jnr said the SDLP was left "reeling" by the decision and that it was isolated on the board. "Effectively the SDLP are in the ludicrous position of supporting the old style more dangerous baton round and want to remove the right to use the new baton round that is scientifically proven to be less lethal. They would place the board by their actions in a position of negligence with the public if they had their way," Mr Paisley said.

Sinn Féin's policing spokes- man Gerry Kelly said the SDLP "made noise but were ultimately powerless to prevent this and will without doubt go along with the decision of the board. The SDLP have once again acquiesced to the continuing use of plastic bullets by the PSNI."

SDLP policing board member Alex Attwood accused Sinn Féin of issuing "empty slogans" around policing.

He sets out the extent of that failure -

The extremes have grown in power and in direct opposition to each other. Neither will give without winning concessions. And the concessions are usually a denial of the position of the other side. The circumstances of the Good Friday Agreement was always much cruder than Sunningdale. After years of violence, the issue was about guns and killing, and bombs in Britain. The needs that provoked this structure blunted the edge of judgment.

It was believed, quite wrongly, that the underlying sectarianism, in what appeared to be a new deal offered by the Good Friday Agreement, was at least likely to diminish, and would, inevitably, bring the communities together. It has done the reverse. It has polarised them.

The sectarianism has become worse. It has intensified in virtually all the dimensions outlined. The politicians in power, notably Blair and Ahern, but also to a lesser extent Clinton, by extra engagement with those making the more extreme demands, encouraged them to reinforce their positions.

Time, he appears to argue, for the blinkers to come off and a proper debate on a democratic future to begin -

Blair and other politicians have become the creatures of this new sectarianism and do not know how to get out of it. Negotiations which were intended to resolve and bring together. They became, instead, a battle-ground for enhanced extremism. Demand and counter-demand were an augmentation of the sectarian divide, quite the opposite of what was intended.

Furthermore, whether written or unwritten, spoken or not, in both parliaments, in London and Dublin, there was an additional pact that favoured the encouragement of sectarianism. This was the quite effective bi-partisanship which denied proper debate.

Collectively, all sides accepted a broad and woolly principle of a peace process which, before their eyes, was hardening the lines of demarcation on sectarian terms.

What was reasoned and constructed in good faith, on the basis that, if it worked it would reconcile the two "sects" in the Northern Ireland and in the South to a very much lesser extent, has turned into a nightmare. And current developments, most notably the McCartney demonstration of several different aspects of this sectarianism at its worst, should have opened our eyes to the mistake we made at the outset.

...the IRA will be part of the political scene here until there is a comprehensive peace agreement which works, which they can support and which deals with the removal of all armed groups involved in the conflict. There is not a comprehensive agreement round the corner so those jumping up and down demanding the IRA exit now should sit down and review what it is they are trying to achieve – a permanent peace or the defeat of the IRA? The first is possible the second is not

He goes on to turn attention away from where it has been in the last three months, on criminal behaviours of members of the IRA to the wider context, and the varous deficits that Sinn Fein feels its erstwhile partners in the Belfast Agreement are responsible for.

The paper reveals that two Sinn Féin members were part of a large group who entered a bar, allegedly claimed to be members of the IRA and threatened two customers. Thankfully nobody was killed or seriously injured in this incident, but six people were arrested. Interestingly enough there is a discrepancy between the version of events after the trouble given by Local county councillor Michael Colreavy and the Publican.

No mention of the incident or the involvement of the two members on the Sinn Féin Website.

I was immediately reminded of a series of articles in Slate by Jack Shafer concerning threats made by Richard Perle, a prominent US neo-conservative politician, to seek satisfaction from the veteran correspondent Seymour Hersh who had, he felt, similarly maligned him. Schafer dared Perle to make good on his threat and indeed continued to do so until finally the limitation period expired.

Of course it amy well be that the DI's directors were entirely serious, but in that case, where is the writ?

Robinson was speaking ahead of the party's publication next week of it "Moving on" policy document in which the DUP presses for a voluntary coalition of unionists and nationalists without Sinn Fein.

He said SF was not capable of "making the transition to peace and democracy" so doing a deal with the party was no longer part of the DUP reckoning process.

"We're saying that era is past and gone," he said. "If they reform at a later stage that's a matter for the next generation to look at."

Robinson's comments follow hot on the heels of remarks made by former Conservative MP Andrew Hunter, who now takes the DUP whip and said "inclusivity is no longer on the agenda".

Strangely enough, both seem quite content about the prospect of Northern Ireland being run by British direct rule ministers for the forseeable future. I suppose they can tell the voters how they resigned from this board and that board in protest at cuts for the next 20 years now. Beats the hell out of taking responsibility for your own welfare, I suppose.

The article also reports that private DUP polling has increased the party's confidence that it can defeat David Trimble in his Upper Bann constituency.

Sinn Féin must somehow come to terms with the policing issue, which I knew was always going to be the most difficult of all. How can Gerry Adams look the family of Pat Finucane in the eye and tell them that all the bad old days are truly over, that all bad attitudes and bad individuals, bad laws and bad systems, have been removed and that a young Finucane could with honor and pride now join the police and protect the rights of all the people in the North of Ireland?

Yet if Sinn Féin remains aloof from the police, there will never be an acceptable police service in the North, because the police will never fully change until Sinn Féin forces that change by its active participation. I don’t know how Gerry Adams does all that has to be done. But I do know there is not another man or woman on the island of Ireland who can do it.

The Belfast republicans who have taken to jeering at the McCartneys for turning to Bush as their champion should reflect on this. Yes, he is an international menace to freedom, democracy and human rights. He's also the most powerful man in the world and Gerry Adams would have been happy to shake his hand – again – had he been asked. Judge Cory called collusion, among other things, "conniving with those who committed the murder by turning a blind eye". That applies equally to the republican movement's behaviour in relation to the McCartney murder.

She also notes the relative silence over the possible involvement of the LVF in the suspected murder of a young Catholic girl Lisa Dorrian:

"Speculation isn't helpful," the detective in charge said. "What we want to deal with is facts and evidence."

To sign off she adds:

The LVF is closely bound up with the UDA which was closely bound up with the British intelligence services when it murdered Pat Finucane. If it is still involved in murder, we need to know, just as we need to know about the IRA's role in the McCartney case and the British government's in the Finucane case. We all need to emulate Judge Cory's grandson. We need to make a lot of noise.

Almost seven years since the accord was ratified by referendum, the study finds 85 per cent of Protestants feel nationalists got the best of the deal. But the report from the Economic and Social Research Institute shows most Catholics think unionists and nationalists were treated equally. The research also shows no Protestants believe the accord benefited unionists - a drop from 5 per cent in 1998.

It is inevitable that in the wake of such a ghastly slaying people would intervervene to take advantage of their plight to pursue Sinn Féin. That does not make the criticisms of Sinn Féin that they voice any less forceful. The criticisms of Sinn Féin are no less valid because they come from a family that has been gravely wronged. The plain fact of the matter is that the republican movement will have to clean up the mess. There is no other solution.

Republicans created this terrible situation and they must sort it out. It is just as terrible as the situation that they created at Warrington, perhaps not quite as terrible as the situation they created on the Shankill Road in the early 1990s, but it must be dealt with nonetheless. The republican movement is directly responsible for this slaughter and it must take responsibility for dealing with it. There is no alternative. The republican movement created the crime, then tried to hide it and then, later failed to deal with it: it alone must take the rap.

The general point the article makes on the Agreement, without much detail of figures, is that -

While there is growing disillusionment among northern Protestants with the agreement and a dominant view that it has benefited nationalists more, there is a growing perception among Catholics that nationalists have benefited better from the agreement.

The remaining paragraphs deal with, in the words of Patsy McGarry, Irish Times Religious Affairs correspondent, "family and sexual morality" - the findings seem to be an indicator of at least one form of unity on this island.

It is on issues of family and sexual morality that Catholics and Protestants on the island find most common ground. Both have deeply held views against abortion, with opposition highest among regular Church attenders.

Of the European countries surveyed, only Malta opposes abortion more strongly.

Where homosexuality is concerned, both communities hold increasingly tolerant views and are at the mid-range among European countries.

Where most family/sexual morality related issues are concerned, Catholics and Protestants on the island have "experienced a substantial shift towards the liberal positions common in most European countries".[emphasis added]

But "the family is still as highly valued as in the past, and marital infidelity is still widely disapproved of".

Yet "unmarried parenthood has become more widely accepted, though majorities still regard joint parenthood as better for children's welfare. Opposition to abortion and homosexuality has declined, but is still high, especially among Catholics in the case of abortion, and among Protestants in the case of homosexuality".

The study concludes that "on all the major issues, the Republic and Northern Ireland, and Protestants and Catholics within both parts of Ireland, are closer to each other than to most other national populations in Europe".

It was "particularly notable that Northern Ireland as a whole, and Protestants within Northern Ireland, are quite at a remove from Britain on these issues".[emphasis added]

The study itself doesn't appear to be online yet.. although the ESRI site has it listed for publication today. (We'll be looking to see the actual wording of the question.)

In the meantime here are the relevant figures from the Irish Times' Religious Affairs correspondent, Patsy McGarry -

More Catholics in the South favour an independent Northern Ireland than do Protestants in the South. Where Catholics are concerned, the figure is almost a third, at 32.5 per cent, while for southern Protestants it is less than a quarter, at 23.3 per cent.

...

Among southern Catholics, 54.9 per cent favour a united Ireland, while 9.1 per cent believe the North should remain in the UK. Among Protestants in the South 41.9 per cent favour a united Ireland, with 23.3 per cent believing the North should remain in the UK.

In the North, 65 per cent of Catholics want a united Ireland. But 21.1 per cent believe it should remain in the UK, with 11.2 per cent favouring an independent Northern Ireland.

Among northern Protestants an overwhelming 87.7 per cent believe Northern Ireland should remain in the UK, with 5.1 per cent favouring an independent Northern Ireland. Only 3.8 per cent favour a united Ireland.

The Irish Times report, goes on to say -

This[an "increasingly widespread acceptance of an Irish identity among the Protestant population in the Republic"] "has been accompanied by a growing sense of distance from northern Protestants and a rejection by southern Protestants of their portrayal by their northern co-religionists as an oppressed minority". By the mid-1990s Protestants in the South were said to have far more in common with their Catholic fellow citizens than with their northern co-religionists.

A European Values Survey 1999-2000 found that 99 per cent of southern Catholics were "very/quite proud" to be citizens of the Republic while such figures for Protestants in the Republic was 93 per cent. Figures for the "very proud" among all citizens of the Republic have soared since the arrival of the Celtic Tiger, rising from 55 per cent in 1994 to 71 per cent in 2003.

The irrepressible Iain Dowie reckons Northern Ireland has a chance:

Latvia's miraculous qualification for Euro 2004 is a model for the likes of Northern Ireland. 'Absolutely,' enthuses Dowie. 'There's no question we can get to the finals of a tournament, although it's a difficult task and I do think Lawrie Sanchez needs a better group of players. This [qualifying] group is very good for us because of the massive interest it is generating in Northern Ireland. I never got the chance to play against England and people tell me they are going to turn part of Manchester into a corner of Belfast on the weekend. Hopefully the buzz can re-establish some passion and enthusiasm and boost the finances to help improve future generations.'

So would he consider taking the Northern Ireland post one day? 'It is a very difficult job, but what would be attractive is the idea of being able to shape the football set-up from top to bottom, to create the environment to be able to make a difference,' he says.

For a fan's eye view, check out Our Wee Country.

The IRA has spelt out its position in relation to the killing of Robert McCartney. It was wrong, it was murder, it was a crime. But it was not carried out by the IRA, nor was it carried out on behalf of the IRA. The IRA moved quickly to deal with those involved. We have tried to assist in whatever way we can. Unfortunately, it would appear that no matter what we do it will never be enough for some.

The crime is unresolved, and may remain so as long as the Republican movement witholds consent for the PSNI to come into their areas to actively investigate the crime.

Does this mean that the case is effectly closed?