Andrew McCann accuses Feeney of turning against an Agreement he once championed. He also links to a fascinating presentation on the political uses on of demography in Northern Ireland.

The British and Irish Governments were today urged to do more to help locate the burial sites of people abducted and murdered by the IRA during the Troubles.

“This year, we must all hope that their rights will be respected and the bodies will at last be found.”

The critical success of the film is said to have propelled James Mason towards his Hollywood success. But there are also appearances from Joseph Tomelty and a young Cyril Cusack.

For those of you who do get to see it, let us have your thoughts here!

Accoring to one report Irish Ferries are claiming the decision is a commercial one, The company claimed the cost-cutting measure was necessary to help it compete with rival ferry firms and low-cost airlines, but the union says it has serious implications for employees placing them outside the jurisdiction of EU and Irish laws protecting workers' rights.

The company haven't exactly explained how this will assist them in cutting costs

The best way of countering the bad news would be early arrests, and here the PSNI faces an enormous challenge. Some form of paramilitary gang - most likely republican - must be the obvious suspects, and the police will need all the help they can get from the public at large, as well as informers.

The most contentious part of the statement is the one at the end:

If it is proved that the IRA, the most experienced operators in the past, pulled off this record heist, it would have profound implications for the peace process and Sinn Fein's political standing.

Several of the peace process's critics will argue: "how precisely can it affect Sinn Fein's standing?"

It's a tough question to answer. The party is in the democratic position it is because of its electoral mandate - it is clearly the party of choice for the majority of Ulster nationalists. It has reached that position, whilst providing political support for the armed forces of the IRA.

So, if there is a connection proved between this week's robbery and the IRA for instance, how does any government, British or Irish, apply sanctions to a political party with (certainly in the context of NI history) such a powerful electoral mandate?

It would be foolish at this stage to make serious judgements as to who or what organisation was responsible for what in any jurisdiction is an impressive piece of organised crime. But regardless of whether anyone is found to 'blame' on this occasion, it's unlikely to end the tediously twisting and winding 'peace process' in any eventuality!

Mr Beggs said: "Donegal Road Primary and Fane Street Primary in Belfast have both recorded a fall in the numbers of children from ethnic minority backgrounds in the last year, from 10 to 1, and 12 to 1, respectively.

"The headmasters of both these schools confirm that in the vast majority of these cases the departure of the pupils was a direct result of their parents being racially harassed and intimidated out of the area.

"One parent, a Malaysian mother of four, who was conducting post-doctoral research at Ulster University, was intimidated and bullied by thugs at her home and on her way to school. As a result, the family packed up their bags and left.

"This is the sort of sickening behaviour and organised criminal activity that the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland are desperate for the Government to stamp out."

In that time the site has achieved an international respectablity that was hard to oncieve at the beginning and is a key reference on Northern Ireland by over two hundred other blogs in Northern Ireland and across the world. It has featured in various online media, from the Irish Times to the BBC and continues to draw in (even when the news has been less than gripping) thousands of unique visitors a day.

Much of the recent improvements have been possible because of readers donations. These donations too have enabled the site to take an entirely independent line on news events in a way that would be difficult by other more commercial means.

Ongoing technical support has been provided by River Path Associates, and in particular the very patient and gifted services of Abi, whose work prevented the site going permanently offline in the wake of the spam invasion of the site this summer.

Lastly, I'd like to put in a word for myself. Over the last year or so Slugger has provided me with some incredible opportunities, not least the enervating experience of on-the-ground reporting on the Assembly elections of November 2003. And indeed I now have a three year tenure as a visiting research associate at Queens to look forward to -largely as a result of the Slugger experience.

However, it has come at a cost. In order to pursue the Northern Ireland issues, I've deliberately moved away from some of the more lucrative commerical work that previously sustained my freelance practice. Although my occasional journalism and research projects bring a modest income, the biggest consumer of my working time is Slugger.

And of course none of this time (in busy periods it can amount to half a working day) is paid for! In fairly modest terms, that's about £1000 worth of work every month. So if you like what we're doing, or it is valueable to you and your organisation (cue the Bob Geldoff moment), do what you can to help us keep it going and, give us your f***ing money!

Whatever you send will be fine, but we will instigate (a la Nuzhound) a patron's page for those who send us anything over £100 ($190 or Euro 145) mark. You can send it by cheque directly to me here at Slugger Central. Or if you have a paypal account, just hit the donate button on the left hand side.

McIntyre writes:

Journalism should be, as Stephen Richter argued, about 'having the guts to stand up to the "big guys," not to go with the flow, but to challenge the powers that be - that's the distinguishing criteria for journalists all over the democratic world.' Not here, however, where the peace process has corrupted journalism and produced journalists against journalism. On occasion some have taken to describing their own colleagues as 'JAPPs - Journalists Against The Peace Process.' Others have admitted they would not report on events unhelpful to the peace process.

During the reign of Section 31 a self-flagellating few could be found demanding that they themselves be censored. They now worship at the peace process altar. The journalistic watchword has become 'hush' not 'probe.' Moral blackmail is now a virtue - speak up and we will endanger the peace process; and, as Eamonn McCann says, find ourselves 'marked down as irresponsible, a danger both to ourselves and to society as a whole.' Myths do not merely go unchallenged but are reproduced. Too many journalists behave as players, not reporters.

The peace process is a malignant virus infecting the processes of intellectual autonomy. Its stifling oppressiveness has forced investigative minds to wade through a quagmire of ethical dung, the obnoxious fumes of which they inhale and breath out again as news. Orwell argued that in a time of universal deceit the only revolutionary act is to tell the truth. Irish journalism will hardly be the vanguard of that revolution.

Off course it had because the last couple of decommissioning "events" were hardly "events" for the wider community; instead of instilling confidence into the process it became a farce. The tautologies surrounding what "significant" actually meant were as big a "turn off" for politicos as they were for Joe Bloggs.

She argues too that in eyes of the Republican movembent, the last tranche of decommissioning had been illusional:

Add to this the fact that republicans are telling their own people that there had been no actual decommissioning in the past, but only smoke and mirrors and it becomes absolutely imperative for the survival of any real and meaningful settlement that something was needed on visibility.

She closes by suggesting that what Sinn Fein says is irrelevant, if there is no guarantee forthcoming directly from the IRA itself:

Its all very well for Sinn Féin to say that they would sign up to the "political parts" of the new agreement but if the experience of the Agreement has taught us anything it is that Sinn Féin hides behind the charade that they do not speak for the IRA. This is in all or nothing package.

Harris, who might share Anthony McIntyre's self description as a hostile witness when it comes to Sinn Fein, nevertheless raises some important questions about the nature of the national media, and how editorial decisions are arrived at:

How did RTE reach these two editorial conclusions: to play down the Oireachtas debate and to play up the Colombia Three? How was this done with no dissenting voices? Because if there were no dissenting voices to these two decisions, we must assume that RTE is no longer living in the same society as the rest of us.

He believes that RTE is captured by what he terms a "peace at any price canteen culture", that has led several of its journalists into 'delusions of grandeur".

The money quote:

In that scenario, anyone who is sceptical of Sinn Fein-IRA's bona fides can be depicted as either an enemy of peace, a blueshirt, a right-wing member of the PDs, or worst of all, a reader of the Sunday Independent.

Although he wasn't entirely dismissive of broadcasters news values. He quoted several instances over the last week with evident warm approval:

Questions & Answers was a stunning programme - the product of a perfectly balanced panel. Eamon O Cuiv, showing the same steel as his grandfather, flatly told Mitchel McLaughlin - who was at his best too - that there could be no fudging on crime and the IRA. Later, on Five Seven Live, Olivia O'Leary laid bare the brutal truth that for Gerry Adams sovereignty lies not with the Irish Republic but with the IRA's Army Council.

Some interesting tid-bits:

The inaugral meeting of the first all-party Ulster-Scots parliamentary group at Westminster will take place on Jan 16th.

John Anderson`s stage show "On Eagle`s Wing" will be broadcast by BBC Northern Ireland in January and in the States in August by PBS. there should also be a DVD realease in the spring.

Also of note is the increasing strength of the linguistic aspects of the Agency. The on-going work of the Ulster-Scots Language Society and the Ulster-Scots Academy (Ullans Academie) in developing an electronic Text Base of past writings and literature in Ulster-Scots are highlighted in this issue.

For instance the issue carries a 1820`s poem entitled "Address To Bachelors" by Sarah Leech, the "Bard of Lettergull", from County Donegal, one of the few female Rhyming Weavers era poets.

Address To Bachelors (shortened version)

Ye Bachelors baith ane and a`,
Oppressed wi` grief on you I ca`,
While down my cheeks the tear-drops fa`,
Thro` pure compassion,
To see ilk flirt and country daw,
Ape at fashion.

Ilk lass maun ha`e a snaw-white gown,
Wi` span-lang flounces waving roun`,
Some weel-plait straw upon her crown,
And ribbons gay,
While hose weel starched, and right-left shoon
Her feet display.

Next she maun ha`e a yard o` veiling,
Affected modesty concealing,
Tho` want o` this is a` the failing,
Laid to the lassie -
How can I help at times bewailing,
Poor fools sae saucy.

How to her mither Kate will bawl,
To purchase her a scarlet shawl,
In hopes she may some gull enthral,
Who gapes for riches,
But six months wed, she proves a brawl,
And wears the breeches.

Her tongue at rest can never be,
And when she pries the barley bree,
Wi` nibours she will disagree,
But in the end,
Poor Willie gets a blackened e`e,
You may depend.

I therefore a` young fellows caution
To guard against sic dames o` fashion,
Or you may aiblins get a thrashin`
Frae tongue as glib,
When wed, you rouse the angry passion
Of captious rib.

And this by Samuel Thompson, the "Bard of Carngranny", Templepatrick.

The Hawk and Weazle

To town ae morn, as Lizie hie`d
To sell pickle yarn,
A wanton Whiteret she espy`d,
A sportin at a cairn.
Alang the heath beskirted green,
It play`d wi` monie a wheel:
She stood and dighted baith her een,
An` thought it was the Diel
She saw at freaks!

But soon her doubts were a` dismis`t
A gled cam whist`ling by,
And seiz`d the weazle:- ere it wist,
`Twas halfway at the sky,
But soon the goss grew feeble like,
And syne began to fa`
Till down he daded on a dyke,
His thrapple ate in twa;
Let him snuff that.

The weazle aff in triumph walks,
An` left the bloodless glutton,
A warning sad to future hawks
That grien for weazle`s mutton
So reprobates, that spitefu` cross,
Decree their nibour`s ruin,
Are often forc`d, like foolish goss,
To drink o` their ain brewing`
Wha says its wrang.

Vocabulary:-

aiblins = perhaps
awn = the beard of corn
biel = a shelter
blethers = nonsense
bree = liquor , drink
carlin = witch
cantrips = incantations
chiel = person
clash = gossiping
clink = tp rhyme
clootie = the devil
darklins = in the dark
daw = slut
dowie = worn out, fatigued
flyte = to scold
gowk = a foolish person
Ilk, Ilka = each
ken = to know
knowe = a little eminence
linn = a waterfall
lowe = a blaze
prie = to taste
rackle = scolding, abusive
sic = such
snell = keen, piercing
sweer = reluctant
thrawart = sulky, mullish
unco = strange

It may have some problems in repeating the popular success of the blog revolution.

1 it can make use of the hyperlink, which can make even the dullest writer worth returning to over and over. Good radio demands good content and performance.

2 unlike text, audio is hard to speed search for eye catching content.

3 the audience levels are dependent on having an Ipod, which is not yet at critically high levels.

The thought of being able to produce shortish compelling audio pieces at next to no price is likely to expand the possibilities for small independent net content producers is genuinely exciting. For instance, making original interviews from Slugger's next research project.

It also tempts me into actually buying an ipod with the thought of downloading conventional radio programmes from Radio Ulster and RTE, so I can listen to them when walking the dogs, or rocking the baby, instead of being bent over the laptop or PC.

In an article that is, primarily, a response to criticisms from UUP leader, David Trimble, he states -

"The DUP did not even endorse the Government's date and contented itself by simply saying that it would use its best efforts," the MP said.

* There can also be no devolution without approval of the DUP First Minister."[my emphasis]

Time someone started asking both Governments, and those parties who have endorsed the 'comprehensive' proposals (or even just the political parts), what exactly has been agreed on policing, if anything?

Mind you - according to his brief the tapes and recordings don't prove that the alleged offences were carried out on "behalf of the IRA".
Risky statement that - free-lancing is dangerous, ask Sean Crowe's election agent mentioned above, the brief might have made things worse rather than better for Dickie .....

From earlier in the year, Irish News report

A man charged with IRA membership and blackmail at Belfast Magistrates Court yesterday was a Sinn Fein election agent. Richard Ronan O’Donnell (55), of Old Course Road in Downpatrick, was charged with membership of the IRA between September 15 and October 14.

He was also charged with demanding money with menaces, namely £100,000 from ‘Witness A’ – on the same dates.

The court heard that when the charges were put to Mr O’Donnell, he replied: “Not guilty”.

The builder, who is known locally as ‘Dickie’, helped Downpatrick councillor Eamonn McConvey to win a seat on Down District Council in the last local authority election three years ago.

He was also appointed as Mr McConvey’s election agent in his unsuccessful bid for an assembly seat last November.

Speaking last night, Mr McConvey described the accused as a friend.

“Dickie O’Donnell is a well-known and well-respected republican,” he said.

“He is an ex-prisoner, which he has not tried to hide at all – and I believe the truth will come out about these fabricated charges.

“Dickie worked with me on the assembly elections and local government elections and he is a solid Sinn Fein supporter.

“Republicans are against extortion and it is not in Dickie’s nature to do anything like this. This is clearly yet another attempt by securocrats to discredit republicans,” he added.

Reacting to the court appearance, Sinn Fein assembly member for south Down Willie Clarke condemned any “individual or organisation” involved in extortion.

“Sinn Fein have been on the record on many occasions in speaking out against intimidation and extortion,” he said.

“We have been active over many years in south Down and elsewhere in helping members of the business community and others who have fallen victim to this sort of activity.”

That was not a reaction to the Colombian courts verdict, but SF TD Aengus Ó Snodaigh, 22nd November 2004, on the conviction of SF member Niall Bennett by the Special Criminal Court in Dublin. He ended the statement by claiming - "The Special Criminal Court is entirely unacceptable and should be closed down."

The Sinn Féin line on the Colombia verdict is "A political decision and a blatant miscarriage of justice"

So, before Bertie, Dermot or any other member of the Irish Government considers making another statement on this, or allows themselves to be led by the nose by such campaign, they should "step back and pause", to borrow a phrase, and reflect on this.. there isn't a justice system in the world that Sinn Féin actually endorses - not even the Irish one.

Article :

Sinn Fein’s Day of Reflection took place in secret last Friday with a ban on press coverage imposed by the Council Chairman.
The event to remember those who had lost their lives in war and conflict was a controversial one. Chairman Councillor Gerry McHugh had received no endorsement from the Council. No Councillors from other parties were to attend the event.

On Friday night, this journalist from The Impartial Reporter was not admitted to the public function in the Chairman’s room at the Townhall after a phone call took place from the front desk to him five minutes before the event was to start. It was made plain that members of the press and photographers were not to be allowed to cover the ceremony.

However, there was press coverage in other instances. RTE gave full coverage to the afternoon Day of Reflection ceremony held by the Sinn Fein Mayor in Derry in its 9 o’clock evening news.

By Monday, it appeared that Sinn Fein was distancing itself from the decision to exclude the press at the Enniskillen event. A press officer for the party said that “it was not Sinn Fein policy not to let press in and in fact we were unhappy that press were not allowed in”.

However, the Clerk and Chief Executive of Fermanagh District Council, Mr. Rodney Connor said: “It was the chairman’s decision that it would be better if the press were not at the function. It was a private function, the Chairman’s function. It was felt it was best that the press would not be present,” he said. Mr. Connor was present in the Townhall on Friday night but did not attend the event.

The next day, Sinn Fein’s press officer then said that his earlier comments had been “erroneous”. “It was the Mayor’s decision to not to have press,” he said.

Councillor McHugh agreed it was his decision to ban coverage. The reason, he argued, was to prevent the event becoming a “media spectacle”. “It was very unusual to keep the press out. I would push for the press as much as possible.
At the Council meeting you would have heard Robert Irvine and different other ones, and at the consultation meeting, say it would be judged whether it was a media spectacle and we would be judged on that. It was very hard for me. I was trying to make this a dignified occasion considering people haven’t been into it so well. At least at the end of it, people could not say it was a Sinn Fein gimmick. In trying to do that, I simply toned it down to a point that at least some of the views were taken into account and they could not say I didn’t take those views into account,” he said.

The choice to hold the event behind closed doors was his own, he reiterated. “It was a difficult decision for me to make. It was because people were going to stand in judgement that we were going to have a big political occasion.

“I could have got airtime all over the place if I wanted to,” he said, but he feared that people would wrongly get the impression that it was to enhance his own position in the media.

Five minutes before the ceremony, there were approximately 15 signatures in the Day of Reflection book that had been set out in the Townhall for visitors to sign.

However, more people than that attended, said the Chairman. “I would say there were at least 40 people there. A lot of people didn’t sign the book. 90 per cent walked past it,” he said. What could have been keeping people away was a fear of being photographed or the “negative approach” to the event from some other Councillors, he said. “That would not have helped numbers,” he commented.

“The idea was to have a dignified occasion, not to have something that was being sensationalist. I got quite a number of phone calls from all directions and sides and it pointed all the time at trying to have a dignified occasion, not to have a big Sinn Fein flag waving approach. I had a lot of apologies from people who might have come along – they were mainly Christmas shopping,” he said.

Asked if the event got cross-community attendance, he said: “I am not sure who everyone was. I went round and spoke to everyone. I certainly had cross-community support outside of this all the way through and apologies came from various churches. Some of them said it was too early but we are still not against it”.

Mr. McHugh unveiled a plaque at the event: “In memory of all those who have lost their lives as a result of war and conflict from or within County Fermanagh”.

Other councillors had been critical of the “hypocrisy” of the party which removed all plaques and insignia from Council property a few years ago now seeing its Chairman unveiling a plaque at the Townhall. “I have not put anything up. It is in the Chairman’s office and I can put anything I like in there as Chairman. I haven’t put it on the wall,” Mr. McHugh said.

The Chairman pointed out there are still a “few odds and ends in terms of symbolism” that were never removed from the Townhall in spite of the Sinn Fein-inspired Council policy. “There is a plaque behind the Chairman’s original chair. Also there are the soldiers on the parapet on the outside of the Townhall,” he said. He said there were no plans to remove them. “There are people in the general public who would point these things out to you. We are not getting into that,” he said.

As to Friday’s event, he added: “I did not advertise it publicly. I did not want to have the kind of numbers that overflowed the Townhall. I kept it to confine the plaque being in my own office and working from there”.

Why play it down? “I did that due to feedback from the community. Robert Irvine is a Councillor I would listen to on occasion. . . That is all I’m saying – we took things into account. I was reaching out to the Unionist population. I wasn’t going to fly in their faces. At the [consultation] meeting the Protestant clergy were very honest about their feelings and you can’t ignore everything that is said,” he said.

The original plans were to have Church leaders playing a lead role in proceedings at the Day of Reflection. This did not happen. “I think there were church leaders there. We did not have speeches other than my own. Again I was trying to row back. I was trying to take account of people’s views”.

There was no music, although it was also originally planned. “Again, there was consultation right up until the last minute and then thought maybe better not. The choir had been booked,” he said.

The Chairman hopes this will be the first of many similar Days of Reflection held in the county. Looking back on Friday night’s ceremony, he said: “I would describe the event as a very good outreach to Unionism. It has challenged people. People have had to challenge themselves. It is a small step but it is probably a bigger step than people realise,” he said.
Issue: 16-12-2004

Mention is also made of the Ballad of William Bloat, a fine example of the wonderful black humour so typical of Northern Ireland.

Who can forget the famous closing couplet in that dastardly Shankill Road tale The Ballad Of William Bloat - "For the razor blade was German made/But the sheet was Belfast linen."

The linen industry was also a major employer in Lurgan - and Johnston is certainly a name that would be associated with the production of linen!